“Colossal Coward!”: Plymouth Protests the Compromise of 1850: Part One

In early 1850, tensions between the North and South regarding the issue of slavery had brought many politicians and American citizens to seriously consider dividing the Union. Kentucky Senator Henry Clay presented a series of bills known as the Compromise of 1850 which offered compromises between the free North and slave-owning south regarding newly acquired territory from the Mexican-American War. South Carolinian senator John C. Calhoun, on his deathbed, dictated his final Senate speech, read aloud in the Senate on 4 March 1850, in which he blasted the North and emphasized that compromise was unlikely. Massachusetts Senator Daniel Webster, a beloved and famed orator, announced he would reply to Calhoun’s speech. Webster’s response was highly anticipated, with the expectation that Webster would remain steadfast with his previous abolitionist support. Large crowds gathered in Washington D.C., hoping to witness Webster’s eloquent response. His three-hour speech, which became widely known as the “Seventh of March Speech”, shocked listeners by calling for a compromise between the North and the South on the issue of slavery for the sake of preserving the Union. Webster registered his support for the Compromise of 1850, and he listed numerous criticisms of the North that he shared with Calhoun. News of Webster’s speech instantly spread through the telegram and was printed and discussed across America. Reactions were swift and furious by Northerners, who felt betrayed. Webster’s reputation would never recover.

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Webster’s Seventh of March Speech. Image courtesy of www.newenglandhistoricalsociety.com

Webster argued that slavery was simply a fact of life in America:

 

“We must view things as they are. Slavery does exist in the United States.”

Webster noted a Southern complaint to be quite “just”: the reluctance of Northerners to capture and return fugitive slaves:

“In that respect, the South, in my judgment, is right, and the North is wrong. Every member of every Northern legislature is bound by oath, like every other officer in the country, to support the Constitution of the United States; and the article of the Constitution which says to these States that they shall deliver up fugitives from service is as binding in honor and conscience as any other article… That is my judgment. I have always entertained that opinion, and I entertain it now.”

Webster stated that he supported the Compromise of 1850 “to the fullest extent,” and called on:

“all sober-minded men at the North, of all conscientious men, of all men who are not carried away by some fanatical idea or some false impression, to their constitutional obligations. I put it to all the sober and sound minds at the North as a question of morals and a question of conscience. What right have they… to endeavor to get round this Constitution, or to embarass the free exercise of the rights secured by the Constitution to the persons whose slaves escape from them? None at all; none at all… when I speak here I desire to speak to the whole North, I say that the South has been injured in this respect, and has a right to complain; and the North has been too careless…”

Webster then attacked the abolitionists of the North:

“Then, Sir, there are the Abolition societies, of which I am unwilling to speak, but in regard to which I have very clear notions and opinions. I do not think them useful. I think their operations for the last twenty years have produced nothing good or valuable. At the same time, I believe thousands of their members to be honest and good men, perfectly well-meaning men. They have excited feelings; they think they must do something for the cause of liberty; and, in their sphere of action, they do not see what else they can do than to contribute to an Abolition press, or an Abolition society, or to pay an Abolition lecturer. I do not mean to impute gross motives even to the leaders of these societies, but I am not blind to the consequences of their proceedings. I cannot but see what mischiefs their interference with the South has produced.

Webster strangely even blamed abolitionists as the reason why Thomas Jefferson Randolph’s proposal for gradual emancipation in Virginia failed in 1832. Webster argued that “incendiary” abolitionist newspapers after 1835

“did arouse, a very strong feeling; in other words, they created great agitation in the North against Southern slavery. Well, what was the result? The bonds of the slave were bound more firmly than before, their rivets were more strongly fastened. Public opinion, which in Virginia had begun to be exhibited against slavery, and was opening out for the discussion of the question, drew back and shut itself up in its castle. I wish to know whether any body in Virginia can now talk openly as Mr. Randoph, Governor [James] McDowell, and others talked in 1832 and sent their remarks to the press? We all know the fact, and we all know the cause; and every thing that these agitating people have done has been, not to enlarge, but to restrain, not to set free, but to bind faster the slave population of the South.”

Webster preposterously argued the abolitionists were to blame for the South being unwilling to end slavery. He believed the abolitionists were too passionate in their moralistic beliefs and goals, and argued that the truest moral goal should be to preserve the Union at all costs.

I hear with distress and anguish the word “secession,” especially when it falls from the lips of those who are patriotic, and known to the country, and known all over the world, for their political services. Secession! Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without ruffing the surface! Who is so foolish, I beg every body’s pardon, as to expect to see any such thing?…There can be no such thing as peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility… I will not state what might produce the disruption of the Union; but, Sir, I see as plainly as I see the sun in heaven what that disruption itself must produce; I see that it must produce war, and such a war as I will not describe…

Residents of Webster’s state of Massachusetts were astonished and confounded by Webster’s speech. Webster lived on a grand estate in Marshfield, Plymouth County, Massachusetts. Plymouth County residents still admired and discussed his “Plymouth Rock Oration”, given in 1820 on the 200th anniversary of the arrival of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, in which he said:

I deem it my duty on this occasion to suggest, that the land is not yet wholly free from the contamination of a traffic, at which every feeling of humanity must for ever revolt, – I mean the African slave-trade. Neither public sentiment, nor the law, has hitherto been able entirely to put an end to this odious and abominable trade… In the sight of our law, the African slave-trader is a pirate and a felon; and in the sight of Heaven, an offender beyond the ordinary depth of human guilt. There is no brighter page of our history, than that which records the measures which have been adopted by the government at an early day, and at different times since, for the suppression of this traffic; and I would call on all the true sons of New England to cooperate with the laws of man, and the justice of Heaven. If there be, within the extent of our knowledge or influence, any participation in this traffic, let us pledge ourselves here, upon the rock of Plymouth, to extirpate and destroy it. It is not fit that the land of the Pilgrims should bear the shame longer. I hear the sound of the hammer, I see the smoke of the furnaces where manacles and fetters are still forged for human limbs. I see the visages of those who by stealth and at midnight labor in this work of hell, foul and dark, as may become the artificers of such instruments of misery and torture. Let that spot be purified, or let it cease to be of New England. Let it be purified, or let it be set aside from the Christian world; let it be put out of the circle of human sympathies and human regards, and let civilized man henceforth have no communion with it.

However, in the thirty years since Webster’s speech at Plymouth, he had shown himself to be a flip-flopper on numerous issues as a politician, particularly when it came to North-South issues. A poem called “Daniel Webster”, written in response to the Seventh of March Speech, read:

Colossal coward! Thou hast bowed the knee

This once, at least, too low at Slavery’s shrine;

No more thy country shall put trust in thee,

Or feel a heart-throb at a word of thine.

The Liberator (Boston, Mass.) 29 March 1850, p. 4.

Webster’s hypocrisy damned him in the eyes of many Northerners. His support of the Compromise of 1850, and especially the proposed expanded Fugitive Slave Act was a step too far. Plymouth County residents determined to take action, and called for a public protest.

The Liberator (Boston, Mass.) 29 March 1850, p. 3.

PLYMOUTH COUNTY MASS MEETING. To the Citizens of the County of Plymouth:

The cause of liberty is of no party or sect. Whenever that cause is betrayed or compromised, it becomes the imperative duty of its friends, especially in a great national crisis like the present, to rally to its defence. Believing that a serious injury has been inflicted upon that cause by the Hon. Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, in his recent speech in the United States Senate, and that the nature and gravity of the offence are such as to call for a PUBLIC PROTEST on the part of the people of this Commonwealth, in order that the Slave Power of the South may derive no encouragement from it; therefore, We, the undersigned, cordially unite, without distinction of party, and with no other object in view than the honor of Massachusetts and the welfare of the country, in calling a Convention of the people of Plymouth county, to be held in Plymouth on SATURDAY, the 30th day of March instant, to bear a strong and unequivocal testimony –

1st. Against the avowed determination of Mr. Webster to register his vote in opposition to the Wilmot Proviso, as applied to New Mexico and California, on the specious pretence that slavery is necessarily excluded from those territories by the law of God and the fiat of Nature;

2d. Against a similar determination, on his part, to ‘support to the fullest extent’, the bill introduced to the Senate by Mr. [James Murray] Mason of Virginia [the Fugitive Slave Act], whereby the liberty of persons, arrested as fugitive slaves, is to be made dependant on the decision of any ‘judge, commissioner, clerk, marshal, postmaster, or collector, as the case may be, either by oral testimony, or affadavit taken before and certified by any person authorized to administer an oath under the laws of the United States or of any State’;

and 3d. Against the declaration of Mr. Webster, that it is the duty of the States, acting through their legislatures and executive orders, to cause the fugitive slave to be delivered up to his claimant; thereby distinctly opposing and going beyond the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States.

And we do hereby invite the citizens of the county generally to assemble on the day aforesaid, at 11 o’clock, A.M., in the Green Church in Plymouth, then and there to take such action as the cause of human liberty and the honor of our Commonwealth shall require.

Incredibly, almost 150 Plymouth County residents of all political persuasions publically signed their names to this protest announcement, in the hopes of encouraging all citizens to join in the protest. They argued that while their political differences often caused disputes between them, the issue of slavery was so egregious that they would join together despite their differences to protest Webster’s support of the Compromise of 1850, which would expand slavery in the United States and force Northerners to capture fugitive slaves and fine and imprison those who refused.

Plymouth [22]. [First Church – Unitarian] Rev. George Ware Briggs (1810-1895). [Universalist] Rev. Russell Tomlinson (1808-1878). Charles May (1791-1880). Samuel Barnes (1803-1896). John Washburn (1801-1860). Justus Harlow (1811-1860). Thomas B. Sherman (1793-1861). Dr. John Cook Bennett (1804-1867). Charles Bartlett Irish (1800-1888). Edmund Robbins (1809-1884). Bartlett Ellis (1795-1883). William Harvey Spear (1805-1873). Isaac Brewster (1812-1894). Sylvanus Harvey (1812-1871). James Spooner (1802-1884). Micah Richmond (1803-1855). Samuel Sherman (1791-1857). Elisha Nelson (1802-1878). Samuel Gardner (1815-1862). Leander Lovell (1799-1879). Nathaniel M. Perry (1816-1877). Joab Thomas Jr. (1815-1896).

Kingston [19]. Seth Drew (1778-1854). [Baptist] Rev. Thomas E. Keely (1812-1880). Uriah Bartlett (1789-1883). Henry Soule (1808-1889). Henry Hunt (1804-1892). John Fuller (1774-1860 or 1801-1878). George Faunce (1816-1901). Alexander Bradford Foster (1814-1869). Francis Washburn (1802-1888). Cornelius Adams Bartlett (1811-1880). Job Washburn Drew (1811-1869). Joseph Stetson (1802-1884). Josiah Fuller (1783-1868). Nathan Brooks (1798-1882). Horace Holmes (1809-1855). Charles Everson (1821-1872). Nathaniel D. Drew (1810-1879). Ebenezer P. Richardson (1807-1892). Nathaniel Thomas Willis (1799-1872).

Duxbury [15]. Gershom Bradford Weston (1799-1869). Luther Faxon Weston (1820-1853). Henry Simmons (1811-1892). George Bradford (1819-1899). Ralph Partridge (1783-1869). Ezra Tainter (1803-1876). Allen Prior (1813-1890). Joshua G. Brewster. Weston Freeman Jr. (1808-1896). Nelson Stetson (1814-1890). Dura Wadsworth (1788-1881). Joshua Winsor Hathaway (1798-1882). George Loudon (1809-1900). John C. Lewis (1804-1885). Thomas N. Bartlett (1806-1888).

Marshfield [17]. Nathaniel H. Whiting (1808-1889). Lemuel Packard (1806-1875). Elijah Ames Jr. (1816-1899) Edward P. Little (1791-1875). Charles Winslow Thomas (1814-1900). Barker Sprague (1828-1917). Warren Hall (1813-1902). Benjamin Healy Clark Jr. (1806-1863). Harrison Sampson (1826-1908). John P. Bradley (1810-1897). George Martin Baker (1820-1911). Joseph Baker Jr. (1827-1880). John Baker (1815-1892 bur). James Sprague (1792-1881). Benjamin Baker (1803-1877). Warren Kent (1823-1891). Artemas Baker (1801-1889).

[South] Scituate [Norwell] [6]. [Unitarian] Rev. Caleb Stetson (1793-1870). David Torrey (1787-1877). George Parsons Fogg (1821-1901). Anson Robbins (1781-1866). George Howard Torrey (1819-1894). Abner Stetson (1808-1883).

Hanover [2]. Isaac Mann Wilder (1805-1879). John Butler Studley (1813-1858).

Abington [4]. Isaac Hersey (1807-1869). Zenas Jenkins 2d (1813-1894). Rev. Horace Dean Walker (1815-1885). Nathaniel Beal (1807-1872).

Hingham [3]. Rev. John Lewis Russell (1808-1873). John O. Lovett (1807-1885). Rev. Oliver Stearns (1807-1885).

Plympton [11]. [Congregational] Rev. Elijah Dexter (1786-1851). Eben Lobdell (1786-1861). Zacheus Sherman (1794-1859). Martin Hayward (1784-1869). Dr. Josiah S. Hammond (1810-1886). James Churchill Ellis (1806-1875). Deacon Cephas Bumpus (1785-1865). Thomas Ellis Loring (1806-1882). William Hudson Soule (1801-1871). Zenas Bryant (1787-1872). Erastus Leach (1803-1875).

Middleborough [14]. Horatio Gates Wood (1789-1861). Amasa Lamb (1806-1872). George Soule (1806-1874). Daniel Atwood (1806-1888). George Bailey (1806-1864). Peter Hoar Peirce (1788-1861). Edmund Haskins (1818-1889 bur. Lakeville). Nathan B. Dunbar (1808-1901). Nathaniel Eddy (1785-1869). Joseph T. Wood (1818-1890). Job Peirce Nelson (1806-1862). Henry D. Bassett (1817-1891). William H. Wood (1812-1883). Otis Soule (1799-1871).

North Bridgewater [27]. Jesse Perkins (1791-1857). Joseph O. Bennett (1810-1851). Nathaniel Cross (1827-1861). Elisha Howland Joslyn (1811-1892). Benjamin Gardner Stoddard (1804-1857). Ambrose Hayward (1810-1870). Charles Addison Hunt (1823-1884). Levi Wild Holbrook (1807-1888). Jacob Weed Crosby (1810-1891). Martin Beal (1805-1876). William Bartlett (1814-1895). Alpheus Holmes (1814-1892). Benjamin Southworth (1820-1883). Edward Ells Bennett (1804-1887). Ruel Richmond (1808-1882). Charles B. Crocker (1818-1882). Thomas Drew Stetson (1827-1916). Alexander Mark Leavitt (1817-1886). Lyman Clark (1807-1885). Robert Smith (1812-1877). Arnold Hunt (1798-1863). George Washington Easton (1821-1882). Stafford Drake (1802-1876). Charles Sexton Peirce (1823- 1867). Caleb Jefferson Holbrook (b. 1806). John Tilden (1798-1874). Benjamin P. Lucas (1811-1876).

South Bridgewater [6]. Philo Leach (1797-1853). Abram Washburn 2d (1795-1881). William Henry Adams (1803-1876). Benjamin Crocker (1807-1875). Lewis Holmes (1806-1893). Samuel Leonard (1797-1867).

Researching the list of citizens, all men, who signed this letter revealed a wide range of ages, classes, and occupations. Organized in part by the Old Colony Anti-Slavery Society (a largely white abolitionist organization), all of the men in this list were white, with the exception of the multiracial George Washington Easton of North Bridgewater (now Brockton), the grandson of black Revolutionary War soldier and entrepeneur James Easton.


Up Next: What Happened At The Plymouth Protest? “To compare Daniel Webster with Benedict Arnold is too feeble, to compare him with Judas Iscariot is better”: Plymouth Protests the Compromise of 1850: Part Two

 

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“Nobly Braving the Wild, Maddened Sea in Obedience to a Sacred Sympathy for the Helpless Stranger”: 1867 Shipwreck by Manomet, Plymouth, Mass.

In Massachusetts, the nor’easter season typically ends in March. But occasionally a rare late nor’easter occurs in April, bringing heavy rain, hurricane-force winds, and rough seas. On Wednesday, April 17, 1867, an “unparalleled April gale” occurred along the Atlantic ocean off Massachusetts. Four Manomet men died while attempting to rescue the crew of the schooner Charles H. Moller, which became stuck “outside the breakers” south of Manomet Point near Stage Point and Manomet Bluffs, and had been partially wrecked by the storm.

Caught unawares by the storm, the Charles H. Moller came ashore mid-afternoon near Manomet Point, but due to the fact that the ship was “heavily ladened”, it “struck some distance from shore outside the breakers”. Unable to move, the storm continued to pummel the schooner, and its stern and upper works began to break up, which Manomet residents witnessed happening from the shore. Manomet residents feared for the safety of the schooner’s crew.

Just three months earlier, Manomet residents had rescued a crew from the shipwrecked barque Velma, under Capt. Nickerson, 340 tons burden, owned by Baker & Morrill of Boston, which had been driven ashore on the rocks off Manomet Point during a blizzard on Thursday, January 17, 1867. The snow storm was reported as “the most severe one known here for many years.” Velma’s crew “took refuge in the mizzen rigging, where they remained for ten hours, the sea making a breach over the hull.” Due to freezing and dangerous conditions, Velma’s steward and one of its sailors died after falling off Velma’s rigging into the sea and drowning. The Velma had been traveling from Smyrna in the Ottoman Empire (now Turkey) to Boston with mercantile goods valued at $60,000 in gold, including figs and wool. After ten hours had passed, several volunteers from Manomet risked their lives and rowed a lifeboat out to the Velma and successfully saved the remaining crew members. All of the crew were frostbitten, and at the time of rescue it was deemed likely that one sailor would lose both feet, and another sailor would lose both hands.

On April 17, 1867, eight Manomet men grabbed the lifeboat which had been used to rescue to Velma crew three months earlier. The rescue was led by 58 year old mariner and farmer James B. Lynch, and seven younger men, including his son, 31 year old mariner James B. Lynch Jr., 20 year old mariner Amasa Bartlett Jr., 24 year old farmer Cromwell F. Holmes, 24 year old farmer Otis Carver, 25 year old mariner John Burt Briggs, 27 year old mariner William Jordan, and 21 year old Nova Scotian laborer Donald McDonald Nickerson.

1857 Plymouth Map - Marked

At the time of the Charles H. Moller shipwreck in April 1867, James Lynch Sr. and James B. Lynch Jr. lived on the west side of present-day State Rd.,  Amasa Bartlett Jr. lived in his father Amasa Bartlett Sr.’s house on the west side of present-day State Rd., Cromwell F. Holmes lived in his father Cromwell W. Holmes’ house on the east side of present-day Manomet Point Road, Otis Carver lived in the home of his father C. Carver on the east side of present-day Beaver Dam Rd., John B. Briggs lived in his father S. Briggs’ house on the west side of present-day State Road, William Jordan lived in his father John Jordan’s house by Indian Brook off present-day State Road. The residence of Donald Nickerson, a transient laborer in Manomet, has not been identified. Allen Mellancourt was working on the Capt. Joseph Simes farm (marked on this map as C. Johnson). [1857 Map of Plymouth, Mass.]

Lynch and his men “succeeded in getting through the surf safely, and rowed down outside the vessel a mile or more below. Rounding to, they stood in abreast of the vessel and got a line. Being pulled directly to the vessel broadside to the sea by those on board, instead of forging ahead and backing down straight into the wind as they intended, a heavy sea overturned the boat, and all except Briggs were thrown into the water. Nickerson, Carver, and Jordan regained the boat, now righted with Briggs still in, and drifted safely ashore.”

However, James Lynch Sr., James B. Lynch Jr., Amasa Bartlett Jr., and Cromwell F. Holmes could not make it back to the lifeboat as the turbulent sea crashed over them. All four men drowned, “perish[ing] in sight of their parents and houses, and near the vessel whose helpless crew they had so nobly resolved to rescue at the hazard of their own lives.”

With half of the rescue crew dead, the other half helplessly drifting back to shore,  and nightfall quickly arriving, no additional rescue efforts were made on Wednesday, April 17, 1867. The Moller crew spent the stormy night in darkness, trying their best to keep water out of the schooner.

Early the following morning, 32 year old Allen Mellancourt/Mellancoat/Mellencote was anxious to attempt another rescue effort for the crew of the Charles H. Moller, who remained stuck offshore but alive. The weather was still stormy, with intense waves. Allen had been enslaved in Virginia three years previously, and had made his way north to Plymouth at the end of the Civil War. He was a newlywed, and his wife Jennie Cole was nine months pregnant. They had been married two months earlier in the Manomet Church by Rev. George F. Pool in February 1867. Jennie had been enslaved in Baltimore, Maryland, and several of her relatives had escaped slavery prior to the end of the Civil War through the Underground Railroad and made their way to the abolitionist town of Plymouth, Massachusetts. Allen worked as a farm laborer on the recently-constructed homestead farm of Capt. Joseph Simes, and had witnessed the previous day’s rescue efforts from the Simes’ farm.

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Capt. Joseph Simes homestead (present-day 29 Manomet Point Road) in Manomet, ca. 1870. Courtesy of the Simes House Foundation.

Allen tried to gather another rescue party from neighboring properties, but no one agreed to go out with him. His neighbors had joined an effort on the beach to search for the four bodies from the previous day’s rescue attempt, who were all still missing. Many were also reluctant to make a second attempt while the storm still swelled the sea, especially considering the previous day’s great cost of life.

Unable to secure backup, and worried the men aboard the wrecked schooner might soon drown, Allen took a fishing dory and rowed out to the schooner alone, risking his life and the possibility of leaving his new wife a widow and his unborn child fatherless. Allen navigated the choppy water, and as he approached the Charles H. Moller, heavy waves hit his dory and he lost one of his oars while trying to prevent his boat from overturning. Witnesses from shore reported that Allen remained calm at this dangerous situation, and was not “daunt[ed] by his perilous position”. With his one remaining oar he steered his skiff back to shore. The Moller crew felt helpless as their second rescue attempt failed. By the time Allen landed back on shore, three of the four bodies had been recovered. Cromwell F. Holmes, Amasa Bartlett Jr., and James B. Lynch Jr. were carried up and prepared for burial the the Manomet Church, while the body of rescue crew leader James Lynch Sr. remained missing in the Plymouth waters. Those who had been searching the shoreline for their bodies reported that “pieces of the stern and bulwarks scattered on the beach indicate” that Moller was “an old and weak craft ill-calculated to stand the strain of such a position long,” and thus the crew was in imminent danger of Moller completely sinking.

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Allen Mellancourt’s fishing dory was small enough for him to row alone, had room to fit several crew-members in the rescue attempt, and was likely an easily beach-launched model like the Swampscott Dory. The Swampscott dory shown here was created by Old Wharf Dory in Wellfleet, Mass.

Allen Mellancourt then led a third rescue attempt, this time with the lifeboat that had overturned the previous day. For this attempt Allen was able to recruit a small party of Manomet volunteers who had been impressed by his brave, but unsuccessful, solo rescue mission. Allen risked his life a second time as he led the lifeboat to the Charles H. Moller.  Allen and his men successfully reached the wrecked schooner, and together they “brought the crew safely to land” with no further casualties.

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The Plymouth town clerk recorded the deaths of Cromwell F. Holmes, James Lynch Sr., James B. Lynch Jr., and Amasa Bartlett Jr., who all “drowned by the upsetting of a boat” on 17 April 1867.

All four men from the first rescue attempt were buried in Manomet Cemetery with each of their gravestones noting their dramatic and heroic cause of death. It is unclear if James B. Lynch Sr.’s body was ever recovered. James Lynch Sr. left a widow, Sarah Annie (Woodbury) Lynch (1815-1901), and six children, their ages ranging from 29 years old to 8 years old: 29 year old Rebecca W. (Lynch) Ayers (1837-1915), 24 year old Charles Greenleaf Lynch (1842-1891), 21 year old Emeline L. Lynch (b. 1845), 19 year old Mary Elizabeth Lynch (1847-1900), Martha H. Lynch who had just celebrated her 18th birthday the previous week (b. 1849), and 8 year old Samuel Bartlett Lynch (1858-1899).

James B. Lynch Jr. left a 33 year old widow, Sylvia Ann (Bartlett) Lynch (1833-1904). They had married 31 December 1865, and had celebrated their first wedding anniversary only several months previously. Sylvia remarried Thomas B. Vinton in 1873.

James Lynch Sr. and his son James B. Lynch were memorialized on the same gravestone. Their epitaph stated that they “Drowned in Plymouth Bay April 17, 1867.”

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James Lynch Sr. FindAGrave and James B. Lynch Jr. FindAGrave. Photograph courtesy of FindAGrave user Caryn.

The epitaph of Cromwell F. Holmes stated that he “Drowned while endeavoring to save the Crew of the Sch’r CHARLES MOLLER, April 17, 1867. Loved son and brother, may we all meet thee in Heaven.”

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Cromwell F. Holmes FindAGrave. Photograph courtesy of FindAGrave user Sandra Lennox.

The epitaph of Amasa Bartlett Jr. stated that he “DROWNED while endeavoring to save the crew of the Sch’r CHARLES MOLLER, April 17, 1867. DEATH IS CERTAIN, THE HOUR IS UNSEEN.”

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Amasa Bartlett Jr. FindAGrave. Photograph courtesy of FindAGrave member Sandra Lennox.

 

The tragedy made national news. “This most melancholy tragedy has stricken with deepest grief the families and a large circle of neighbors and friends of those brave martyrs to a sacred philanthropy. Possibly for one’s own flesh and blood a man will lay down his life; but he who nobly braves the wild maddened sea in obedience to a sacred sympathy for the helpless stranger, daring and losing all, bears a soul indeed heroic and worthy of highest honor. Lives so offered up are holiest teachings. Such exemplars challenge sacred emulation and elevate a generation in true nobility.”

Allen Mellancourt attended the funerals of the four Manomet men at Manomet Church, mourning their loss. He was thankful that his life had been spared and that he had been able to rescue the crew of the Charles H. Moller almost 24 hours after it had first wrecked off Plymouth. Life soon followed death when Jennie (Cole) Mellancourt gave birth to their firstborn child Daniel W. A. Mellancourt on 29 April 1867, two weeks after the shipwreck. Together Allen and Jennie had seven children until Allen died of consumption a decade later.

The Charles H. Moller disaster led the the construction in 1874 of a Coast Guard station at Manomet Point, which went on to save numerous lives until it was dismantled in 1955.

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Coast Guard Station Manomet Point ca. 1909 (built in 1901, replacing the 1874 station). Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

ManometLifeSaving

1937 Manomet.jpg

1937 Map of Manomet, Plymouth, Mass. Courtesy of UNH.

 

Citations: “Marine Disasters,” The Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, Penn.) 21 Jan. 1867, p. 1; “The Storm in New England,” Chicago Tribune (Chicago, Ill.) 24 Jan. 1867, p. 2; “Sad Catastophe,” Old Colony Memorial Newspaper (Plymouth, Mass.) 19 April 1867, p. 1; Plymouth Rock (Plymouth, Mass.) April 1867: “The Plymouth Rock gives the following particulars of the loss of six young men while attempting to rescue the lives of others placed in peril by the gale on Wednesday last”; “Marine Disasters and Loss of Life at Plymouth, Mass.,” The New York Times (New York, N.Y.) 22 April 1867, p. 1; Plymouth Census and town records.

The Thomas Family: A 19th Century Multiracial Family of Middleborough and Carver, Mass.

On a cold December day in 1854, Baptist minister Josephus W. Horton performed the wedding of 19 year old Mary E. M. Pierce and 38 year old widow John Atwood Thomas. The couple’s nineteen-year age difference was not unusual for the era. What was unusual was the legality of their marriage itself. Only a decade previously, their marriage would have been illegal in Massachusetts. But in 1843, the state repealed a law from 1705 which banned interracial marriage. John A. Thomas was white. Mary E. M. Pierce was multiracial: black, white, and Native American. After a century of Massachusetts’ anti-miscegenation law, John and Mary Thomas became the first interracial couple to be married in Middleborough (although there had been numerous Wampanoag-African American marriages in town during the 18th-19th centuries).

Mary Elizabeth Macy Pierce was born in Swansea, Bristol County, Massachusetts, 28 March 1835, the daughter of Angier Pierce, a white man, and Susan Boston, whose mother Diadema Simons was Wampanoag and whose father Cato Boston was a former slave. Cato Boston and Diadema Simons lived in Dighton, Massachusetts when they published marriage intentions on 27 April 1804. The widowed Diadema (Simons) Boston was a head of household in the 1830 Census in Swansea, Bristol, Massachusetts. Mary E. M. Pierce was probably born in her grandmother Diadema’s house.

At the time of their relationship, marriage between Angier Pierce and Susan Boston was illegal. Still, the couple had two illegitimate children together. Mary E. M. Pierce was the oldest, born in 1835. Their youngest child John Angier Pierce was born in 1841. Both Mary and John had the distinction of receiving their father’s surname “Pierce” rather than their mother’s surname “Boston”, which was likely an intentional choice made by Susan Boston to grant her children legitimacy in name, if not in legality. Despite the fact that two years following John A. Pierce’s birth, the Massachusetts court allowed interracial marriage, Angier Pierce and Susan Boston never married. In 1850, Susan Boston married Wampanoag Indian Frank Francis, and Mary E. M. Pierce moved into her step-father’s home in Rochester, Massachusetts with her mother at that time.

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1850 Census. Rochester, Mass. Frank Francis, Susan Boston, and Mary E. Pierce.

Shortly thereafter the Francis family rented a house on Miller St. in Middleborough, where Frank Francis died in 1852, and Susan (Boston) (Pierce) Francis died in 1862.

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1855 Middleborough Census. Widowed Susan Boston and her son John Pierce.

19 year old Mary E. M. Pierce met the widowed John Atwood Thomas when he was working as a laborer in Middleborough. John Atwood Thomas was born in Carver, 8 May 1816, the son of Eli Thomas and Lydia Shaw. He was a descendant of Great Migration immigrant William Shurtleff, who was infamously killed by lightning in Plymouth Colony in the 17th century. John A. Thomas first married Mary Ann Tracy in 1849. Together they had two children:

  1. Eli John Thomas (1850-1932).
  2. James Willard Thomas (1852-1926).

Mary Ann (Tracy) Thomas died at the age of 23 in Middleborough on 26 September 1852, shortly after giving birth to James. When Mary E. M. Pierce married John A. Thomas two years later, she became step-mother to four-year old Eli and two year old James.

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1855 Census. Middleborough, Mass. John and Mary E. (Pierce) Thomas, Eli J. and James W. Thomas.

Soon after their marriage, Mary (Pierce) Thomas became pregnant with their first child, George Washington Smith Thomas, who was born on 6 December 1855 – exactly one year after their wedding.

For 23 years, between 1855 and 1878, John and Mary (Pierce) Thomas had ten children together:

  1. George Washington Smith Thomas, b. Middleborough 6 Dec. 1855, d. Carver 20 May 1901, m. (1) 1877 Louisa Jane Cornell (d. 1887), m. (2) 1899 Abbie Shaw Cole (d. 1950).
  2. Sarah Jennett Thomas, b. Middleborough 3 March 1858, d. Carver 2 July 1884, m. 1879 Lyman F. Dean (1852-1942).
  3. Diadema Patience Thomas, b. Middleborough 3 Sept. 1860, d. Carver 22 Nov. 1875.
  4. Darius Gardner Thomas, b. Middleborough 29 Jan. 1863, d. 7 August 1929, m. Emeline Beatrice Haven (1869-1950).
  5. Abraham Lincoln Thomas, b. Middleborough 27 March 1865, d. Middleborough 22 June 1949, m. 1 January 1891 Joanna Barry.
  6. Frank Thomas, b. Middleborough 26 Sept. 1867, d. Middleborough 20 August 1960, m. 1884 Mildred Myrtella Appling (1865-1905).
  7. Mary Elizabeth Thomas, b. Middleborough 10 Dec. 1869, d. 31 January 1953, m.  4 November 1899 Edward Warren Lowe (1866-1900).
  8. Susan “Susie” Frances Thomas, b. Carver 7 April 1872, d. 1941.
  9. Silas Thomas, b. Carver 8 April 1875, d. Middleborough 8 April 1936, m. 1911 Emma Carroll Smith (1866-1940).
  10. Amy Thomas, b. Carver 27 March 1878, d. 13 February 1965, m. 1889 James Joseph Vigers (1873-1958).

In the 1860 Census, there were 835 households in Middleborough, the majority of whom were white. There were only three multiracial families in town – the household of John and Mary Thomas, the household of Mary’s mother Susan Boston, and the household of William and Kate Ives. William Ives, a black man from Connecticut, and his wife Kate Mahoney from Ireland, had married in 1857. Additionally there were seven white Middleborough households who had black domestic servants living in their homes.

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1860 Census, Middleborough, Mass. John A. and Mary E. M. (Pierce) Thomas, and children Eli J., James W., George W.S., and Jane S. Thomas.

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1865 Census, Middleborough, Mass. John A. and Mary E. M. (Pierce) Thomas and children Eli J., James W., George W., Sarah J., Diadema P., Darius G., and Abraham L. Thomas.

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1870 Census, Middleborough, Mass. John A. and Mary E. (Pierce) Thomas and children Eli J., James, George W. S., Sarah J., Diadema P., Darius G., Abraham L., Frank S., Mary E. Thomas.

John and Mary Thomas resided in Middleborough until 1871, when the family moved to Carver, Massachusetts. Carver was a much smaller town than Middleborough. When the Thomas family moved to Carver in 1871, there were 238 households, only one whom was a family of color: 71 year old widow Hannah (Hector) Casey, who headed a household with several of her adult children and several former Southern slaves who had recently made their way North after the Civil War. Hannah Hector was the daughter of Lurana Sepit, a Wampanoag Indian, and Thomas Hector, a former slave from Bristol County, Massachusetts. In 1823, Hannah Hector married Augustus Michael Casey, a fugitive slave from the South, and they raised nine children in Carver on the ancestral Sepit homestead known as the “Indian Land” on the south shore of Sampson’s Pond. During the 1870s, the Casey family dispersed to nearby towns, leaving the Thomas children as the only children of color in the town of Carver. By the 1880 Census, the Thomas family was the only non-white family living in Carver. All of the Thomas children went on to marry white spouses.

In the 1879 map of Carver, the family of “J.Thomas” resided on the corner of Beaver Dam St., West St., and Holmes St.

1879 Carver John Thomas

1879 Map of Carver, Massachusetts. John Atwood Thomas household marked as “J. Thomas” at the intersection of Beaver Dam St., Holmes St., and West St., just south of Beaver Dam Brook.

In 1880 Census, their newlywed son George W. S. Thomas took possession of the house on the corner of Beaver Dam St., West St., and Holmes St., and John Atwood Thomas was enumerated there. Separately, Mary E. M. (Pierce) Thomas was enumerated as the head of household in a home near Wenham Pond with their five youngest children, and married daughter Sarah. It is unclear if John A. and Mary Thomas had separated after the 1878 birth of their youngest child, or if John A. Thomas was simply spending time in his son’s house. John A. Thomas was listed as “married” when he died in 1895.

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1880 Census, Carver, Mass. John A. Thomas living with son George W. Thomas, daughter-in-law Louisa J. Thomas, and grandchildren Abby E. and Luther E. Thomas.

1880MaryThomas

1880 Census, Carver, Mass. Mary E. (Pierce) Thomas and children Frank, Mary E., Susan F., Silas, and Amy Thomas, son-in-law Lyman F. Dean and daughter Sarah J. Dean.

Additionally, Mary E. M. (Pierce) Thomas and her children were listed as paupers who were supported by the Carver Almshouse in the 1880 Census. John A. Thomas was absent from this list. Perhaps this was because he was separated from Mary, and therefore refused to be financially responsible for his family. Or perhaps it was racially motivated, and the Carver overseers of the poor thought that John A. Thomas, as a white man, was  less of a possible financial burden than his wife and children.

1880MaryThomasAlmshouse.jpg

Following John A. Thomas’ death in 1895, the widowed Mary (Pierce) Thomas purchased a house located on the corner of Purchase St. and Rocky Meadow St. in the Thomastown neighborhood of Middleborough.

1903MaryThomas.jpg

1903 Map of Middleborough, Mass. Purchase St. Households of “Mrs. M[ary] Thomas”, son-in-law “J[ames] J[oseph] Vigers”, and son “A[braham] L[incoln] Thomas” underlined in red. Map courtesy of Historic Map Works.

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1900 Census, Middleborough, Mass. Mary E. (Pierce) Thomas residing on Rocky Meadow St. with son-in-law James J. Vigers, daughter Amy Vigers, and grandson James Vigers.

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1910 Census, Middleborough, Mass. Mary E. (Pierce) Thomas, daughter Susan F. Thomas, daughter Elizabeth Lowe, and grandson Edward W. Lowe.

Mary (Pierce) Thomas was described as a person of color throughout her entire life. She was described as “black” in the 1850, 1855, 1865, 1870, 1900, 1910 Censuses, “Indian” in the 1860 Census, and as “mulatto” in the 1880 Census. But a different pattern of racial-identity emerged in her children. The Thomas children were described as “mulatto” in their youth – the 1865, 1870, and 1880 Censuses. Once they left Mary’s home, married white spouses, and began families of their own in Carver and Middleborough, however, town records more consistently listed the Thomas children as white. Since Mary Pierce’s father Angier Pierce was white, and John Atwood Thomas was white, John and Mary (Pierce) Thomas’ children were three-quarters white, one-eighth Wampanoag, and one-eighth black. By the 20th century, the Thomas children were regularly identified as white. The exception to this rule appeared to be when one or more of the adult Thomas children lived for periods of time in their mother Mary’s household, in which case they were again identified as “black” or “mulatto.”

Mary E. M Pierce’s younger brother, John Angier Pierce, eventually moved to the town of Norwell (then known as South Scituate) and became intimately connected with Norwell’s larger black community.

As a young man, John A. Pierce lived in Middleborough with his widowed mother Susan (Boston) Franks throughout the 1850s and early 1860s.

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1860 Census, Middleborough, Mass. Susan Francis and son John Pierce.

In 1862, John buried his mother Susan next to his step-father Frank Francis in a grave next to the Francis house in Middleborough, in a cemetery now known as the Susan Francis Burial Ground. A week later, he married Sophronia Ann Franks, a black woman whose maternal grandmother’s family had been enslaved by the white Clapp family of Scituate for generations. Together they had two children, born in Middleborough:

  1. Eliza Annie Pierce, b. 22 Oct. 1863, d. Hingham 13 Oct. 1910, m. Norwell 21 May 1896 Henry W. Winslow (1858-1919).
  2. Angie Hattie Susan Pierce, b. 26 April 1865, d. Norwell 11 Aug. 1874.

Sophronia Ann (Franks) Pierce died two weeks after giving birth to daughter Angie, and John Angier Pierce buried her next to his step-father and mother. He then moved to Norwell, where he married Caroline S. Beach in 1867. They had the following children:

  1. William Angier Pierce, b. Norwell, Nov. 1867, d. young.
  2. Martha A. Pierce, b. Hanover, 24 Dec. 1869, d. young.
  3. Caroline “Carrie” Frances Pierce, b. Norwell, 1 June 1873, d. Norwell, 9 June 1874.

1874 was a devastating year for John Angier Pierce. His one year old daughter Carrie died in June of “inflammation of the brain”, his nine year old daughter Angie died in August from an infected abscess, and his 32 year old wife Caroline died of consumption in September. That winter, 33 year old John A. Pierce sought refuge in the home of his sister Mary E. M. (Pierce) Thomas in Carver, where he unexpectedly died 19 January 1875, for reasons “unknown”. His only surviving child, Eliza Annie Pierce, went to live with extended family in Norwell, where she married Henry W. Winslow, a multiracial man with black, white, and Massachuset Indian heritage. Together Eliza and Henry W. Winslow raised four children in Hingham, Massachusetts, where she died in 1910 of pneumonia at the age of 46.

When Mary E. M. (Pierce) Thomas died in Middleborough in 1921 at the age of 86, her younger brother John Angier Pierce had been dead for almost half a century. Mary E. M. (Pierce) Thomas was buried beside her husband John Atwood Thomas and her brother John Angier Pierce in a plot in Central Cemetery in Carver.

 

 

 

1882 Tragedy in Daniel Eason’s House – Augusta, Maine

On 13 November 1882, the Daily Kennebec Journal (Augusta, Maine) reported a terrible accident:

“An eight year old daughter [Bessey Martha Eason] of Daniel Eason, colored, who resides on Prospect Street, in this city, was so horribly burned by her clothing being set on fire Saturday morning that she died yesterday. It seems that Mrs. [Sarah Jane] Eason had left her three children abed about half past 6 in the morning to go to Mrs. Russel’s, where she had been engaged to work. Mr. [Daniel] Eason, who went away earlier in the morning, was returning to the house in order to take the children up and give them their breakfast, as he had often done before when his wife was obliged to go away early, was met by a man who told him that his child had been horribly burned. The only evidence they have as to how the child’s clothing came on fire is from the two remaining children, aged 2 [Frank] and 5 [Daniel Jr.] years respectively. The oldest child [Daniel Jr.] says that the youngest [Frank] lit a stick in the fire and then touched it to his sister’s dress. After the child’s clothes were on fire, she rushed into the door yard and was met there by an Ayer boy who had been attracted by her screams. He tried to remove her clothing, but finding that impossible took off his coat and smothered the flames. Dr. Webster was called and his directions followed, but to no purpose, the child dying about 10 o’clock yesterday morning in great distress.”

 

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Prospect St., Augusta, Maine, where the family of Daniel Eason lived. From 1878 Bird’s Eye Map of Augusta, courtesy of the Library of Congress.

 

Daniel C. Eason, born circa 1833 in Norridgewock, Somerset, Maine, was the youngest son of Augusta’s Freewill Baptist minister John Eason and his second wife Catherine. He moved as an infant with his family to Augusta, Maine. As a “babe in arms” he was held by his father John Eason when the Eason family witnessed the hanging of murderer Joseph Sager in Augusta in 1835.

Daniel C. Eason first married Hannah B. Jackson (1834-1916) in Augusta on 22 January 1854. They had three children: daughter Alvaretta Eason (1855-1906), an infant son (1856-1857), and son Raphael Eason (1860-1891).

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1860 Census Augusta, Maine. Daniel Eason, his wife Hannah, and children “Alfretta” and Raphael.

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1870 Census Augusta, Maine. Daniel Eason, wife Hannah, son Raphael living with Daniel’s father Rev. John Eason, steph-mother Priscilla Eason, brother John Eason and sister-in-law Mary Eason.

Daniel and Hannah separated sometime between 1870 and 1875, and Hannah and their teenage children moved to Boston, Massachusetts. Once there, the spelling of their surname became Eastman rather than Eason.

Daniel then published marriage intentions on 19 June 1876, and married in Augusta on 21 August 1876, Sarah Jane Smith, a possibly multiracial English woman [who was called Sarah Jane Gloss in their marriage intention]. In 1880, she was listed as black and born in England, the daughter of a father born in the West Indies and a mother born in New Brunswick. She was listed in 1885 as black, born in England with parents born in Virginia.

In the 1880 Census, the family was enumerated as Daniel C. Eason (46), his wife Jane Eason (45), and their children Martha Eason (5, b. RI), Daniel C. Eason (2), and Frank Eason (1).

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1880 Census Waterville, Maine. Daniel C. Eason, wife Jane and children Martha, Daniel C. and Frank.

By 1882 the family had moved from Waterville, Maine back to Augusta, Maine where Daniel C. Eason worked as a hostler.

“Mrs. Russel” who employed Sarah Jane Eason was possibly Nancy, the widow of Israel Russell, who in 1882 lived on Winthrop St. in Augusta, near the Eason home on Prospect St. The “Ayer boy” who attempted to put out the fire on Bessey Eason may have been a family member or employee of candy peddler John C. Ayer who lived on High St., behind the Eason family on Prospect St. “Dr. Webster” who tended to Bessey Eason’s burns was Augusta physician John Ordway Webster, a Harvard graduate who began his Augusta practice in 1875.

 

Following the tragic death of Bessey Martha Eason, the family left their home on Prospect St. in Augusta, Maine and moved to Providence, Rhode Island, where Daniel worked as a hostler in a Providence tavern, and the spelling of their surname transitioned to “Eastman”. Bessey Martha Eason’s birthplace was listed as Rhode Island in the 1880 Census, so it is possible the family had moved briefly to Providence in the mid-1870s and then returned to Augusta, Maine. Bessey, born circa 1874, may have been an illegitimate child of the couple, who then moved to Augusta where they were married in 1876 (or perhaps she was a child of only Sarah Jane). In February 1885, Daniel and Sarah Jane had another son, George W. The family was enumerated on 1 June 1885 in Ward 6, Providence, R.I., as Daniel C. Eastman (53, b. Me., hostler), wife Sarah J. (51, b. England, illiterate), and children Daniel C. (8), Frank (5), and George W. (4 months). The family moved to Cambridge, Massachusetts by February 1886, when they retroactively recorded George Eastman’s birth record in Cambridge. They perhaps moved to Massachusetts to be closer to Daniel Eason’s children from his first marriage.

Sarah Jane (Smith) Eastman died sometime prior to 1900, and Daniel C. Eason/Eastman reunited with his first wife Hannah. They lived together in Hyde Park, Massachusetts in the 1900 Census, and Daniel was enumerated at Hannah’s address in Hyde Park throughout the early 1900s in Boston City Directories. In 1910, Daniel C. Eastman was listed as a widowed black farm laborer, boarding and working for Daniel M. Hardy in Pepperell, Massachusetts. However, he again was listed as a resident of Hyde Park living with Hannah until her death in Hyde Park in 1916. A death record for Daniel C. Eason/Eastman has not yet been identified.

No gravestone has been identified for Daniel’s daughter Bessey Martha Eason, but she may have been buried in either Mount Hope or Forest Grove Cemetery, both located close to the Easons’ house on Prospect Street in Augusta, Maine.

Bessey Martha Eason’s young brother Frank Eastman, who accidentally set the fire which led to her death, went on to marry in Massachusetts and serve in the Philippine-American War. He married in Boston, 14 April 1898, Georgie Ellinor Gray, and they had two daughters born in Boston: Sarah Lavinia Eastman (b. 16 Sept. 1898) and an unnamed daughter born in 1900 who likely died young. Frank Eastman served in Company D and M in the 9th Regiment of the U.S. Calvary, a black regiment. He died 3 January 1902 in Nueva Cáceres in the Philippines and was buried there. His body was disinterred and brought back to the U.S. on 21 November 1903, and he was buried in Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia.

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Frank’s widow Georgie received a widow’s pension following his death in 1902. Frank’s brother Daniel C. Eason/Eastman Jr. named a son Frank in honor of his brother who had died so far from home.

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Up Next: Part Four: Deacon John Eason III (1849-1942) of Malaga Island, Maine

Previously: Part One: The “Man of A Century”: Parson John Eason of Augusta, Maine

Previously: Part Two: Augusta’s Forgotten Minister: John Eason (1786-1879)

Origins of the Quacum Sisters: Founding Mothers of Wilberforce Colony, Ontario

Sisters Vilana, Rosanna, and Salome Quacum were born at the turn of the 19th century on the south shore of Massachusetts, the daughters of a multiracial family with African, Mattakeeset (Massachuset) Indian, and Herring Pond (Wampanoag) Indian heritage. Although they had lived as free New England women, they each married husbands in the 1820s who were fugitive slaves. After spending several years in their hometown of Marshfield, Plymouth County, Massachusetts and Boston, Suffolk County, Massachusetts, each of the married sisters made the decision to leave their extended family behind and become founding members of the Wilberforce Colony in Ontario, on land which was owned and governed by African Americans, and thus offered security to the Quacum sisters’ husbands from American slave catchers, as well as the possibility of living in a more welcoming community with black governance.

The Origins of the Quacum Sisters

Their father Thomas Quacum was a resident of Marshfield, Massachusetts in 1782. He was likely a grandson or great-grandson of Wampanoag Indian Quacom/Quakom who was a member of Rev. Thomas Tupper’s congregation of Christian Indians at Herring Pond in Plymouth, Massachusetts in 1693. His English neighbors had a difficult time mastering the Wampanoag roots of his surname, and over the course of his lifetime and his children’s lifetimes, their surname would be spelled in numerous variations by American officials – Quacum, Quaqum, Quagum, Quawko,  Quackow, Quocko, Quokum, Quoker, Quarker, Quicco, Quiccow, Quaker.

Thomas “Quagum” and Phillis Dolphin, both residents of Marshfield, published their marriage intentions in Marshfield on 21 December 1782. Rev. Daniel Shute performed their marriage on 23 December 1782 in the Second Parish Church in Hingham. Phillis Dolphin’s origins are uncertain, but she was likely the daughter of a local enslaved or free black family. Together they had a daughter, Phillis Quacum, born about 1783. Little is known about her childhood, but at an early age she may have been indentured with a local white family. Phillis Quacum married at the age of 15 in 1798, and at the time of her marriage her name was listed as “Phillis Quacum alias Sarah Rodes”. The surname Rodes was rare in Plymouth County at that time, perhaps she had lived with the family of Samuel Rodes and Peggy Darling of Duxbury. Phillis published marriage intentions with John Mevas “a black man” in Plymouth on 3 November 1798. Phillis (Quacom) Mevas died in Plymouth 3 February 1803. Mevas was likely a black Portuguese mariner, and he remarried in New Bedford the year after Phillis’ death.

Shortly after their marriage in 1782, Thomas and Phillis Quacom found employment in Bridgewater, Massachusetts. Perhaps things quickly turned sour in their marriage, however, because in 1784 Phillis became pregnant with a married black Revolutionary War soldier and former slave Jupiter Richards.

While still enslaved, Jupiter Richards had two illegitimate children: Jane Richards (b. 11 Dec. 1772) and Judas Richards (b. 3 Nov. 1775) with free “mulatto” woman Lettice Stewart of Bridgewater, who was the daughter of Amos Stewart/Steward (who likely had African heritage) and Mattakeeset Indian Hannah Moses. Once the Revolutionary War began, however, Jupiter Richards served in the military and used his bounty money to purchase his freedom. As a free man, he published marriage banns with Lettice in Bridgewater on 24 Feb. 1776, then served another stint in the military, then returned home to marry Lettice in Abington on 27 September 1777. Following their marriage, they had two additional sons born in Bridgewater: Elisha (b. 20 Feb. 1778) and Amos (b. 28 June 1781), with Jupiter serving additional military service between and after the births of his sons.

Sometime in September 1784, Jupiter Richards and Phillis (Dolphin) Quacum had an affair and Phillis became pregnant. They apparently chose to leave both of their families behind in Bridgewater, and together moved to West Springfield, Hampden County, Massachusetts. There, on 24 May 1785, Phillis gave birth to a daughter Renah Richards.

 

Back in Bridgewater in the spring of 1785, Lettice (Stewart) Richards  was left to care for her four children – 12 year old Jane, 9 year old Judas, 7 year old Elisha, and 3 year old Amos. The oldest children may have been sent to live with white families as indentured servants. Lettice (Stewart) Richards and Thomas Quacum commiserated together over over their respective spouses running off with each other. And in the summer of 1785, Thomas and Lettice published marriage intentions in Bridgewater. Thomas’s daughter Vilana was possibly born from this relationship.

 

In West Springfield during the year 1786, laborer Jupiter Richards was paid £1.19s. for working 13 days at the Springfield Arsenal, “piling shot & shells for the Public”. In 1787, Phillis again became pregnant, and they had a son Sylvester Richards born in West Springfield on 20 April 1788. In 1787, Jupiter purchased groceries such as tobacco, suet, and beef from the Dwight store in Springfield. On a cold winter day on 22 January 1789, Jupiter Richards “with Force & Arms did feloniously steal take & carry away One bushel of Rye” valued at 3 shillings from his neighbor John Warner. Jupiter was imprisoned and his case was brought to trial in February 1789, then postponed until September 1789.

Although the court case does not reveal the details of why Jupiter Richards stole a bushel of rye, it was most likely to feed his struggling family through a cold winter. But his imprisonment in January only made his family’s financial difficulties worse, and as days turned into weeks, and his trial was postponed in February, Phillis made the difficult decision to return back to Bridgewater, and it is unclear if she did so with or without her young children, of whom no additional records have been identified.

In Bridgewater, “Phillis Richards” reunited with Thomas Quacum, and they quickly remarried while Jupiter Richards was still in prison – their wedding was held in Bridgewater on 15 April 1789.

Lettice (Stewart) (Richards) Quacum then married Pito Snow in Bridgewater in December 1792, and they moved to Sutton, Worcester County, Massachusetts. Her children with Jupiter Richards remained in Plymouth County – daughter Jane Richards married in Bridgewater in 1794, son Elisha Richards married in Bridgewater in 1800, and son Amos Richards married in Hingham in 1806.

Jupiter Richards remained imprisoned in Hampden County, and his trial was held in September 1789. He pleaded guilty to stealing the bushel of rye valued at three shillings from John Warner. His punishment was to pay  Warner “threefold damages” – nine shillings, as well as a fine of 20 shillings to the County Treasury, plus the costs of the court case which totaled four pounds, four shillings, and six pence. He was also sentenced to remain imprisoned until his debt could be paid, which totaled 5 pounds, 13 shillings and 6 pence. At the same court session, a white man, David Farmer, was also found guilty of theft and charged a fine and costs of court. Neither Jupiter Richards nor David Farmer could afford their penalties, so wealthy tavern owner Samuel Flower of Feeding Hills [now Agawam] paid both of their fines in exchange for their servitude. Farmer agreed to work for Flower “in his service long enough to indemnify him.” Jupiter’s contract with Flower, however, agreed to a service of twenty years to pay off the debt: “Richards agreed to enter servitude for twenty years and ‘faithfully serve’ Flower and Flower’s family and ‘their secrets will keep, their Commands lawfull & honest will gladly obey at all times…. will do no Damage to the sd. Samuel nor his Heirs nor Assigns nor suffer it to be done by others, without giving them seasonable notice thereof.” This is especially shocking considering that it would have taken Jupiter about a month and a half of labor at the Springfield Armory to pay off the 5 pound debt, considering that three years prior he made almost 2 pounds for half a months work. The Massachusetts courts had declared slavery unconstitutional in 1783, yet in 1789, 40 year old Jupiter Richards was forced through financial desperation and Samuel Flower’s blatant abuse of the debt peonage system to enter into servitude with Flower until the age of 60.

Jupiter Richards was one of the two “free persons” living in the household of Samuel Flower of West Springfield in the 1790 census, and the same year Jupiter Richards paid a poll tax in West Springfield. A decade previously the Cuffe brothers of Dartmouth (now Westport), Massachusetts – the sons of an enslaved African father and Wampanoag Indian mother – had protested paying a poll tax, arguing that it was unfair for black men to have to pay a poll tax while being denied the right to vote, especially after serving in the Revolutionary War. “We apprehend ourselves to be aggrieved, in that, while we are not allowed the privilege of freemen of the State, having no vote or influence in the election of those that tax us, yet many of our colour (as is well known) have cheerfully entered the field of battle in the defence of the common cause, and that (as we conceive) against a similar exertion of power (in regard to taxation), too well known to need a recital in this place.”

After almost five years of service to Samuel Flower, Jupiter Richards had had enough.

1794 Jupiter Richards

Federal Spy (Springfield, Mass.) 5 Aug. 1794, p. 4.

 

Jupiter Richards left Samuel Flower’s home in July 1794, and no further records have been identified for him. Did he return to Bridgewater? Go to Boston? Change his name? See additional details about Jupiter Richards in “Freedom Stories of the Pioneer Valley.”

Back in Bridgewater, Thomas Quacum’s timeline is a bit challenging to piece together.

He had two daughters, Vilana and Rosanna, whose births went unrecorded in Bridgewater records, and whose ages are calculated from census records and their dates of death, making it unclear if they are precise or off by several years.

Vilana Quacum/Quarker was born circa 1786, and therefore possibly the daughter of Thomas Quacum and Lettice (Stewart) Richards, following their 1785 marriage.

Rosanna Quacum/Quawker was born circa 1789, and therefore possibly the daughter of the reunited Thomas Quacum and Phillis (Dolphin) Richards.

Thomas Quacum next had five younger children, all born after 1795. It is unclear if Phillis was the mother of these four younger children, or if Thomas Quacum had an additional wife whose first name is unknown.

Could Jupiter Richards have runaway from Samuel Flower in 1794, then returned to Bridgewater and reunited with Phillis, after which Thomas Quacum married another woman? Also of possible interest is the fact that the West Springfield First Congregational Church recorded the death of a Phillis Richards, who died of inflammatory fever on 26 February 1811, aged 52 [born circa 1758]. This is the only Richards death in the Vital Records of West Springfield, and no race is mentioned for this Phillis Richards. Additionally, the household of Samuel Flower had 1 person of color in the 1800 Census, and 3 people of color in the 1810 Census. It is unclear if Phillis returned to West Springfield.

In the late 1790s, Thomas Quacum briefly found work in the town of Pembroke and perhaps lived there in the Mattakeeset Indian community, where his son John Quacum/Quackow was born sometime between 1795-1800. By 1800 the family had returned to Bridgewater. In the 1800 Census, Thomas “Quawko” was the head of household in Bridgewater with 5 freepersons – likely Thomas and his wife,  and his children Vilana, Rosanna, and John (in 1800 daughter Phillis (Quacum) Mevas was married and living in Plymouth). The census enumerator confused the “freeperson” households of Thomas Quawko and James Eason/Easton and swapped their names as “James Quawko” and “Thomas Eason”.

Shortly thereafter, Thomas Quacum found work and housing in Marshfield at the Chandler grist mill. Four additional Quacum children were born in Marshfield: Betsy (b. 1802), Salome (b. 1806), Phebe, (b. by 1809), and Thomas Jefferson (b. 1810).

In the 1810 Census, the family of Thomas Quacum resided in the household of Luther Sprague in Marshfield off of present-day Old Ocean St. in Marshfield on the north side of Chandler’s Millpond. There were 9 freepersons in Thomas Quacum’s household (Thomas, his wife, and children Vilana, Rosanna, John, Betsy, Salome, Phebe, and Thomas Jefferson).

In the 1820 Census, Thomas Quacum was the head of household in Marshfield, Massachusetts with 12 “free colored persons”, consisting of 5 males under 14, 2 males 26-44, 2 males 45 and over, 1 female under 14, 1 female 14-25, 1 female over 45. His household was located off of present-day Old Ocean St. in Marshfield on the north side of Chandler’s Millpond.

The 1820s were a momentous decade for the Quacum family (who by this time more consistently had their surname spelled Quarker or Quackow), with the majority of Quacum children marrying and starting their own families in both Marshfield and Boston.

The Thomas Quacum household on Chandler’s Millpond in Marshfield expanded with the marriages of several children. In 1820, son John married Margaret Calley alias Leonard, and they had three children born in the Quacum house: John Jr. b. 1820, Jane Mary b. 1823, and Phebe Ann b. 1829. When Margaret moved into the Quacum house she also brought her young daughter Lucretia Leonard (b. 1818). Daughter Vilana married fugitive slave Philip Harris in 1825 and had son Philip D. Harris in the Quacum house in 1826. Daughter Salome married fugitive slave Peter Butler in 1827 and had a son Peter Edward Butler in the Quacum house in 1828.

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1838 map of Marshfield. Members of the Quacum family lived on the north side of Chandler’s Millpond, near the home of Luther Sprague (here marked “L. Sprague”) from the early 1800s until the early 1830s. Their house was located off of present-day Old Ocean St. The Quacum sisters spent their childhoods here, and both Vilana and Rosanna married and had their first children born here before moving to Ontario.

The remaining Quacum children left Marshfield and joined the multiracial community in Boston. Daughter Rosanna had married John Carter and moved to Boston in the 1810s, and she married her second husband William Bell in 1824 and they had a son William born there in 1824. Daughter Phebe married Henry Carroll in Marshfield in 1825 and moved to Boston. Daughter Betsy married Charles Williams in 1829 and had daughter Betsy in 1830. Tragically Betsy died in childbirth and her infant daughter Betsy died three months later. Son Thomas Jefferson married twice in Boston in the 1830s and had children in Boston.

Thomas Quacum and his wife died in their home in Marshfield sometime between 1820-1830. Their deaths coincided with a life-changing decision among several of their daughters. Daughters Vilana, Rosanna, and Salome, along with their husbands and children, decided to leave Massachusetts and become founders of the Wilberforce Colony in Ontario, Canada, a community owned and governed by free blacks. All three of the Quacum sister’s husbands became officials of the Wilberforce colonial government. The decision to leave Massachusetts and their family behind must have been a difficult one for the Quacum sisters to make, but it was an essential one for the safety of their fugitive spouses and the protection of their children.

The Quacum Sisters of Wilberforce Colony (later Lucan, Ontario)

Vilana (Quacum) Harris (1786-1850) and Philip Harris (1775-1857). Philip Harris served as a manager for the Wilberforce Colony in the 1830s.

Rosanna (Quacum) Bell (1789-1878) and William Bell (1792-1877) and operated a tavern in the Sauble section of Lucan. William Bell served as a manager for the Wilberforce Colony in the 1830s. After moving to Wilberforce, the Bells briefly hosted Israel Lewis who had initially helped to raise money for the colony before fraudulently stealing it, leading to a contentious multi-year long series of legal battles. In 1848, an unknown party set fire to the barn and grain stores of William Bell and several other black residents, and a 50 pound reward was posted to help locate the perpetrators. The widowed Rosanna Bell was the subject of a tall tale (recorded or invented by The Black Donnellys author Thomas P. Kelley) regarding the infamous murder of the troublemaking Irish-Canadian Donnelly family, who were killed in their home in Biddulph in 1880 by a mob of townspeople. Kelley claimed that sometime prior to the murder, head of the family James Donnelly and several of his sons forced their way into “Grandma Bell’s” log cabin and asked for their fortunes to be told by reading tea leaves. She supposedly said “I see blood on the moon” and fortold the family’s impending deaths.

Salome (Quacum) Butler (1806-1873) and Peter Butler (1797-1873)  became one of the largest landowners in the area. Peter Butler had been a mariner, and in Ontario worked as a caulker and doctor. He served as a treasurer for the Wilberforce Colony in the 1830s. His estate was valued at $22,000 at his death in 1872, and multiple generations continued to live on his estate in the town of Lucan. Peter Butler is recognized as a founder of the town of Lucan on a historical plaque “Founding of Lucan” located by the Lucan Area Heritage & Donnelly Museum. Their grandson Peter Butler III became the first black Canadian police officer.

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Salome (Quacum) Butler (1806-1873), wife of Peter Butler. Courtesy of the University of Western Ontario Archives.

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Peter Butler (1797-1873), husband of Salome Quacum. Courtesy of the Donnelly Museum.

 

Once the Quacum sisters left for Ontario and several Quacum siblings moved to Boston, Massachusetts, only brother John Quacum remained in Marshfield. However, he died unexpectedly in his early 30s, and his widow Margaret married James Tuttle in 1832 and left Marshfield with her children, and together James and Margaret (Calley/Leonard Quacum/Quackow) Tuttle founded the neighborhood of Tuttleville in Hingham. John Quacum’s step-daughter Lucretia Leonard ended segregation in Hingham, Massachusetts’ New North Church by sitting with her white employers in their family pew rather than at the back of the church in the “negro pew.”

 

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Lucretia Leonard (1818-1904), daughter of Margaret Leonard alias Calley and step-daughter of John Quacum of Marshfield, Mass. Taken in Hingham, Mass. circa 1902. Photograph courtesy of the Hingham Historical Society.

Political and social activism ran strong through the Quacum family. Although the Quacum sisters husbands are better remembered as Wilberforce’s founding fathers, it is fascinating to consider that these three women, from the shores of Chandler’s Mill Pond in Marshfield, Massachusetts came together and made the decision to leave everything behind and move to Canada for the promise of a better future.

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The south shore of Chander’s Mill Pond is part of the Pudding Hill Reservation, preserved with walking trails by the Wildlands Trust. The Quacum family lived on the north shore of the pond. Map courtesy of the Wildlands Trust.

Thoreau’s Perfect Day in Lakeville, Mass.: Beautiful Assawompset Pond and a “Vexing” Encounter with Assawompset Indians: Part One

PART ONE:  A PROBLEMATIC THOREAU ON VACATION

Today marks the 200th anniversary of Henry David Thoreau’s birthday. This talented, problematic writer was a study in contradictions. He was an elegant writer on the subject of the natural world, but prone to didactic lecturing on the subject of humanity. He was an avid student of history, especially Indian history, but he failed to reconcile his fictional and romantic image of Indians of the past with the realities of the contemporary Indians whom he met in Massachusetts and Maine during his lifetime. Below is a story about a favorite day of Thoreau’s life while vacationing in Lakeville, Massachusetts which includes a collision of Thoreau’s conflicting beliefs, and its devastating legacy a century later, which led to the desecration of the grave of a multiracial man who Thoreau met that day.

In the autumn of 1855, 38 year old Henry David Thoreau spent a perfect day by Assawompset Pond in Lakeville, Massachusetts. It was the favorite spot of his friend Daniel Ricketson, who was eager to share its natural beauty with Thoreau. Thoreau later wrote that the memory of that day “gleam[ed] in my mind’s eye”, and would carry him through the cold winter at home in Concord, Massachusetts. Ricketson arranged the day to include Thoreau’s favorite things – an exploration and collection of local flora, and intellectual discussions about philosophy and local Indian history. The highlights for Thoreau included hunting for clamshells and Indian artifacts along several Lakeville ponds, taking botanical notes of the plants he saw along the way, venturing off the main road to view Indian petroglyphs, finding a rare blooming flower, and taking in the natural beauty of Lakeville’s “broad, shallow lakes.”

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An 1857 map of Lakeville. I have marked Thoreau’s 1855 trip on buggy from New Bedford up to Lakeville in red, as well as his detour on foot on Betty’s Neck and along the south shore of Assawompset Pond. Thoreau met Thomas and Pamelia Smith on the shore in front of Thomas Smith’s home which is marked on Betty’s Neck. I’ve highlight in blue the remainder of Thoreau’s trip to their final destination of Sampson’s Tavern (here called “Lakeville House”).

 

Only one thing “vexed” Thoreau’s day, a disappointing encounter with Thomas Smith and Pamelia Sepit Hector, a married multiracial couple with Native American and African slave heritage. They trespassed on the Smiths’ property on Betty’s Neck as Thoreau searched the beach for Indian artifacts and Ricketson lectured about “ancient” Indian history. The white men called out to the couple, who were fishing in Assawompset Pond in their boat, and asked that they approach and converse. Thoreau was flabbergasted to note that the woman was steering and fishing with her husband, quite unlike a Yankee lady. The eccentric Ricketson and socially awkward Thoreau barraged the surprised couple with a multitude of questions about their “Indian blood”. Of the couple, the man Thomas Smith (quickly ascertained to be “one-fourth Indian” and three-fourths “negro”) was more responsive to their questions, and, although he provided them with a number of useful facts about Assawompset Pond’s botany and geography, Thoreau was disappointed by Thomas’s “ignorance” of Indian history. Thoreau later even asked a white Lakeville resident to verify information Thomas Smith provided about the types of fish in the pond and the pond’s depth (it turned out Thomas was accurate in his knowledge of the pond from which he made his livelihood). Thoreau never even learned the first name of Thomas Smith’s wife, instead calling her “Tom Smith’s woman”, his “squaw”, who reluctantly revealed that her maiden name was Sepit. Ricketson and Thoreau made numerous comments about her Indian appearance, demanded to know her history, and were briefly excited to discover she was a “half-breed” from the area. But Smith’s wife was immediately insulted by these strange men and their insistent, rude questions and insensitive comments, and mostly refused to answer them, or replied sarcastically or defiantly. All the while, she had the gall to be a woman steering her own boat, which was designed and built by her husband. It is an understatement to say that Thoreau and Ricketson did not know what to make of Pamelia, whose name remained unlearned by Thoreau.

Thoreau frequently wrote flowery passages in his writings about the romantic ancient Indian, hunting, running with peaceful solitude through the woods. “The charm of the Indian to me, is that he stands free and unconstrained in Nature, is her inhabitant and not her guest, and wears her easily and gracefully. But the civilized man has the habits of the house. His house is a prison, in which he finds himself imprisoned and confined, not sheltered and protected.” Thoreau was obsessed with searching fields and shorelines for Indian artifacts, “relics of a race which has vanished as completely as if trodden into the earth.” And yet there were numerous Indian communities throughout Massachusetts in Thoreau’s lifetime who certainly had not “vanished” and yet were invisible to Thoreau. His few encounters with actual Indians rather than imagined ones inevitably ended in his disappointment that they were not the romantic figures from his mind. Instead they were impoverished and often understandably confused by the lecturing white man who unexpectedly appeared before them, demanding answers to private questions. He often left these conversations with the conclusion that contemporary Indians were unintelligent, ignorant, or lazy, and added racist theories on top of his conclusions about the “disappearance” of the “Indian race” as a result of intermarrying with the “negro” race. Poverty, Thoreau felt, led to a simplicity of life that he could almost admire, but he could not tolerate the comparison of an impoverished life to his own decision to “live deliberately” in simplicity, as he chose to do in Walden. “The savage lives simply through ignorance and idleness or laziness, but the philosopher lives simply through wisdom.”

Thoreau was a man of contradictions, many of his own making. “Why is [it] that we look upon the Indian as the man of the woods? There are races half-civilized, and barbarous even, that dwell in towns, but the Indians we associate in our minds with the wilderness.” As Thoreau walked the southern shore of Assawompset Pond on Betty’s Neck in Lakeville, he documented no indication of awareness that he was walking on the property of the Indian community there, which had been known as the Assawompset village for thousands of years, and still had a small village of Indian families. Like his views on poverty, Thoreau loved the idea of wilderness, but not the reality. If you took his description of his day in Lakeville at face value, you too might have believed that Thoreau walked through a vast wilderness of forest and shore on Betty’s Neck, alone but for their brief interruption by the Smiths. But he either did not see – or chose not to – the vibrant Indian community which still existed on their ancestral homeland.  And despite Thoreau’s finding inspiration in the beauty of Assawompsett Pond and his thrill of feeling like he was in the wilderness, his excursion along the shore was still a half-hour walk in each direction, followed by refreshments available at the popular Sampson’s Tavern nearby.

Years ago I lived in Billerica, Massachusetts beside the Concord River, which I had only heard of through Thoreau’s first book A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers. One of my first weekend trips after moving to the area was a visit to Walden Pond, where I was taken by surprise by the noise from the highway, train, and tourists. At the time, I thought “how things have changed!”, but upon researching more details that evening, discovered how much it had actually stayed the same since Thoreau’s time – it was simply that Thoreau had written those components out of his story in search of “solitude”. Thoreau neglected to mention in Walden his weekly walks home to his mother’s for home cooked meals and her frequent visits to bring him groceries. He hosted occasional parties with his friends in his cottage, and had the companionship of the swimmers and boaters on Walden Pond. The commuter rail from Boston brought trains along the western side of the pond. Not to mention that one year prior to Ralph Waldo Emerson allowing Thoreau to live on Emerson’s land on Walden Pond for two years rent-free, Thoreau had accidentally started a fire which burned 300 acres of his beloved Walden Woods.

Thoreau loved nature, and his ability to vividly capture what he saw in the environment still paints a graphic picture over almost two centuries later. He lectured about the need for simplicity, and his out-of-context quotes are often idolized by modern minimalists. But he was not a man who pared his possessions down by keeping only those which “sparked joy,” instead, he focused on brutal utility. Although his writings on nature could be passionate, his writings about his fellow man were filled with admonishments. He disdained food, alcohol, and beverages other than water, complained about sensuality and music, and would chastise others who engaged with those most human of things. In his journals, he commented on the ugly housing, unfashionable clothing, and crude moral characters of the impoverished people he encountered. If he truly believed “the mass of men lead lives of quiet desperation,” his pedantic beliefs did not offer them much of a solution. Schulz notes, “Only someone who had never experienced true remoteness could mistake Walden for the wilderness or compare life on the bustling pond to that on the mid-nineteenth-century prairies. Indeed, an excellent corrective to “Walden” is the work of Laura Ingalls Wilder, who grew up on those prairies, and in a genuine little house in the big woods. Wilder lived what Thoreau merely played at, and her books are not only more joyful and interesting than “Walden” but also, when reread, a thousand times more harrowing. Real isolation presents real risks, both emotional and mortal, and, had Thoreau truly lived at a remove from other people, he might have valued them more. Instead, his case against community rested on an ersatz experience of doing without it.” See Schulz’s excellent New Yorker article “Pond Scum” for more details about Thoreau’s conflicted, misanthrophic, romantic, judgmental, poetic, difficult personality. And then see Hohn’s article “Everybody Hates Henry David Thoreau”, a spirited defense of Thoreau in response to Schulz’s piece. See also a discussion in the New York Times of Thoreau’s black and Irish neighbors in “At Walden, Thoreau Wasn’t Really Alone With Nature.” And Elise Lemire’s valuable Black Walden: Slavery and Its Aftermath in Concord, Massachusetts.

Thoreau was a strange contrast to his friend Daniel Ricketson, who was bombastic, emotional, and eccentric. When Thoreau visited Lakeville with Ricketson in 1855, it was only the second time the men had ever met in person. Ricketson had purchased Walden immediately after its publication in 1854 and written Thoreau a fan letter. The two men struck up a correspondence, and Thoreau visited his wealthy, intellectual fan at Christmas in 1854. They enjoyed each other’s company and discourse, and became fast friends, although each man wrote privately – and sometimes directly – stark assessments and grievances of the other’s personality quirks and annoyances. The 42 year old Ricketson was a New Bedford Quaker lawyer with similar passions as Thoreau – he was a poet, author, historian, abolitionist, philanthropist, and performed many of his writings in a small shack built on his vast 53 acre estate named “Brook Lawn” where he frequently entertained the literary elite, nicknaming themselves the “Shanty Society”. It was obviously appealing to Thoreau.

In 1857, 26 year old Anna Alcott wrote her first impression of Ricketson to her father Amos Bronson Alcott. Her letter gives some insight into the reactions that Thomas and Pamelia Smith had while talking with Ricketson and Thoreau on Assawompset Pond two years earlier: “We were surprised Sat. evening by a funny little man walking in and introducing himself as Mr. Ricketson of New Bedford. He stared at us one by one and then said, ‘So you are Mr. Alcott’s daughters, are you?’ – then looking at me ‘You look like your father, you’ve got his eyes and complexion.” So he kept saying the funniest [viz. strangest] things. ‘How old are you? What do you weigh & how much can you bear? How’s your temper?’ He was much taken by Abby & said he should call to see her by daylight. Mother looked her very best & behaved beautifully. I knew he liked her and enjoyed his visit, for he came again on Sunday and stayed till I thought I should sink into the floor. He thinks of building a house here this year, and made fine plans, but he is a very singular man, and I shouldn’t be surprised to hear he had hung himself on a tree any day. Did you ever suspect him of being crazy at all?

Both Thoreau and Ricketson wrote journal entries detailing their own interpretations of what Thoreau later remembered as the highlight of his trip, their perfect day spent at Lakeville, Massachusetts on 2 October 1855. But even between these two friends, there are differences in their accounts which speak volumes about what each man found significant during their time together. Some important observations about the day were written by Ricketson, but never mentioned by Thoreau, and vice versa. And although both men went to Lakeville in part to discuss local Indian history, neither made the most of a chance encounter with actual local Indians to engage meaningfully with either contemporary or historical issues involving the Assawompset Indian community. And because their interaction was so blundered, Thoreau missed an opportunity to discover the significant stories about the lives and histories of Thomas Smith and his wife Pamelia Sepit Hector, which this blog series will help to reveal. On an otherwise pleasant day, only the awkwardness of Thoreau’s encounter with the Smiths “vexed” him. Yet today it seems vexing to know that Thoreau, a talented writer and observer of the world, was too caught up in racist thinking and disappointment in the disconnect between romantic “Indians in [my] mind” and the real Indian couple before him to actually connect with and learn their stories. We have access to millions of words by Thoreau, but only a paragraph and three little sketches of Thoreau’s meeting with the Smiths. The fascinating stories of the Smiths and their 19th century community on Betty’s Neck – though unknown to Thoreau – deserve more.

Learning about the lives of the Smith family is especially valuable in light of a recent terrible injustice to Thomas Smith, whose gravestone was stolen in 2008 and later recovered by Lakeville police in 2009. The recovered gravestones are now under protection by the Wampanoag tribe. A gravel pit company or housing development several decades ago removed Thomas and his brother William Smith’s headstones and footstones from their cemetery on Betty’s Neck, perched them against a tree in a nearby swamp, and bulldozed over their graves (as well as probably numerous other Indian graves whose burial plots were not marked by headstones, likely including the bold Pamelia Sepit Hector). This was not discovered until an attempt in the 2000s to document and plot all of the cemeteries in Lakeville, which resulted in the book Lakeville, Massachusetts Gravestone Inscriptions, 1711-2003. Local historians have attempted to determine where the original cemetery was, but to this day its exact location has not been precisely found.

The lack of protection for – or even community knowledge of – small, forgotten New England cemeteries is a common problem as development overtakes long unused historic places. But the Smith cemetery (also known as the Indian Shore Cemetery) was forgotten in part because it belonged to the Betty’s Neck Indian community, which was as invisible to Thoreau in 1855 as it was to outsiders a century later when the only obvious evidence of that community which remained on the property was their names carved into gravestones and the much older petroglyphs carved into stone on the shore of Assawompset Pond. Without the stories of Thomas and Pamelia (Sepit Hector) Smith and their community being well-known and valued, their gravestones were mistreated, their graves devastated, and their ancestors’ petroglyphs covered in modern graffiti.

Up Next: A Detailed Look at The Events of Thoreau’s Perfect Day on Assawompset Pond

Suffragettes Buried in Mount Pleasant Cemetery, Seattle

In the spring of 2016, the mayor of Rochester, New York placed a poster with the following statement on it beside the gravestone of suffragette Susan B. Anthony:

Dear Susan B., We thought you might like to know that for the first time in history, a woman is running for President representing a major party. 144 years ago your illegal vote got you arrested. It took another 48 years for women to finally gain the right to vote. Thank you for paving the way.

Lovely Warren, The first female mayor of Rochester.

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Susan B. Anthony gravestone with poster from Mayor Lovely Warren. Courtesy of the Berkshire Eagle.

Following the primary, word spread as numerous social media and news media outlets picked up the story. Thousands of women made a pilgrimage to Anthony’s grave to place their “I Voted” stickers on her grave and pay respects. Mount Hope Cemetery extended its hours on Election Day to accommodate all of the visitors. The following photograph was posted on Election Day 2016:

 

Several other suffragette graves received media attention, including Elizabeth Cady Stanton’s grave in New York, and Ida B. Wells’ grave in Chicago.

In honor of International Women’s Day, let’s dig a little into Washington State’s history of suffrage.

In 1883, Washington Territory became the third U.S. territory to enact women’s suffrage (behind Wyoming in 1869 and Utah in 1870). The statute gave the right to vote to: “All American citizens, above the age of twenty-one years, and all American half-breeds, over that age, who have adopted the habits of the whites, and all other inhabitants of this territory, above that age…”

The 15th Amendment had been ratified in 1870, allowing American male citizens to vote regardless of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude”. According to Commercial Age (Olympia, Wash.) March 26, 1870, p. 1, black (male) Washingtonians had already been voting in Washington territory:  “Although the Fifteenth Amendment does not particularly affect us in this Territory, as the colored folks have been voters among us for sometime already, yet it will be a matter of much importance in both Oregon and California… It will be a happy day for the country when the people shall no more care to inquire whether a voter or a candidate for office is white or black than whether he is tall or short.” Several laws had been passed which banned or expelled blacks from the Oregon Trail and Oregon territory (which included Washington territory prior to 1853). With so few white women in Washington territory in the 1850s, Washington Territory passed a law allowing the adult male children of white fathers and Native American mothers – legally called “half-breeds” – to vote. In the 1860s, the “Mercer Girls” – white, educated young women from Massachusetts – were brought to Washington territory by Asa Mercer to help with the ratio of white men and women, and many of them were early Washington suffragettes.

With the passage of women’s suffrage in 1883 in Washington territory, white and black women were granted the right to vote, and women immediately participated. “A Ballot For The Ladies” stated: “Anxious to exercise their new right, women across the state voted against corrupt politicians, and voted for local option prohibition. In the 1884 election, a larger percentage of women voted than men, casting 12,000 out of 48,000 ballots. Within a few years, it was estimated that four-fifths of all the women in the territory went to the polls on election day.” Male pushback to women’s suffrage in Washington came swiftly, particularly as corrupt politicians (often town leaders with substantial ties to gambling, drinking, and smuggling opium and illegal Chinese immigrants) were voted out of office and prohibition mandates were supported by women. Women’s suffrage was legal in Washington Territory from 1883 until 1888.

However, when Washington territory became a state in 1890, women’s suffrage was not supported in Washington state legislation. For the next two decades, suffragettes continued the fight, however, and women’s right to vote in Washington state was legalized in 1910, a  decade prior to the national ratification in 1920 of the 19th Amendment. For a detailed description of the history of women’s suffrage in Washington state, see The Fight for Women’s Suffrage from the Washington State Historical Society, and HistoryLink’s Washington Woman Suffrage Crusade, 1848-1920. The 1910 law “allowed only those who could read and speak English to vote. Many women, including immigrant Asians and Native Americans, who were subject to other restrictive citizenship laws, were still denied the right to vote.”

Washington Territory and State had a substantial suffragette movement – additional details about some of these women can be discovered at the Washington State Historical Society.

On a recent rainy day in Seattle, I walked around Mount Pleasant Cemetery in Seattle (learn more about this cemetery on FindAGrave and a description on HistoryLink) in search of several local suffragette gravestones. Here are the graves of one Seattle’s earliest white suffragettes, Catharine (Paine) Blaine, who attended the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention, and Bertha Adine Pitts Campbell, a black civil rights activist, who attended the first suffragette parade in Washington D.C. in 1913.

Catharine (Paine) Blaine (1829-1908)

Catharine (Paine) Blaine (1829-1908), wife of  Methodist minister Rev. David Edwards Blaine, was a missionary and the first public school teacher in Seattle. At the age of 18, she attended the 1848 Seneca Falls convention, led by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and is believed to be the youngest signer of the convention’s Declaration of Sentiments. She and her husband moved to Seattle in 1853. In 1854, she helped persuade Arthur Denny to introduce a proposal for woman suffrage in Washington Territory’s first legislative session, which failed by only one vote. At the same time, a law was passed which allowed the adult male children of white fathers and Native American mothers to vote, which dismayed Blaine, who wrote: “A question immediately arose in my mind as to whether women ought to congratulate ourselves that we were not associated politically with such a set or whether we ought to feel aggrieved that the highest privilege that can be conferred on citizens should be proffered to the most degraded and abandoned race possible to be imagined and withheld from us.” Blaine’s letter provides an example of the often inherent racism within the white suffragette (and often abolitionist) movement, in the struggle to achieve voting rights for both women and people of color. According to Catharine Blaine’s biography at the Washington State Historical Society, “Catharine Blaine was among the voters listed on voter registration rolls for the Third Ward in Seattle in 1885, making her the first known female signer of the 1848 Declaration of Sentiments to legally register as a voter.”

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Rev. David and Catharine Blaine headstone. Photograph courtesy of Mary Blauss Edwards.

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Headstone and gravestone of Catharine Blaine. Photograph courtesy of Mary Blauss Edwards.

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Catharine Blaine gravestone. Photograph courtesy of Mary Blauss Edwards.

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Catherine and David Blaine. Photograph courtesy of HistoryLink.

Bertha Adine Pitts Campbell (1889-1990)

Bertha Adine Pitts Campbell (1889-1990) was a black suffragette and Seattle civil rights activist. Her obituary stated that: “Campbell was one of the founders of Delta Sigma Theta, a national, black, public service sorority. She helped found the organization while she was a Howard University student in 1913 and that same year took part in a women’s suffrage march in Washington, D.C. When she was 92 she returned to lead 10,000 members of the sorority in a commemorative march along the capital’s Pennsylvania Avenue.” “In 1936, she became the first black woman ever to exercise the right to vote on the local YWCA board and served four terms as chairperson of the East Cherry Branch.” See biographies of Bertha Campbell on HistoryLink and BlackPast.org.

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Gravestone of Bertha Adine Pitts Campbell, Mount Pleasant Cemetery, Seattle, Washington. Photograph courtesy of Mary Blauss Edwards.

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Gravestone of Bertha Adine Pitts Campbell, Mount Pleasant Cemetery, Seattle, Washington. Photograph courtesy of Mary Blauss Edwards.

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Bertha Pitts Campbell. Courtesy of HistoryLink.

 

If you are in the Seattle area, be sure to visit these local suffragette gravestones.

P.S. – Please avoid placing stickers on these women’s gravestones- the adhesive can damage the stones and Seattle rain can quickly turn those stickers to trash. The articles mentioned at the start of this post all mention that the cemeteries featuring the graves of Anthony, Stanton Cady, and Wells placed posters beside the gravestones to encourage people to place their stickers on the posters rather than the graves themselves (although obviously, particularly in Susan B. Anthony’s case, they were not always able to effectively enforce that).

Honor these pioneering women with a visit and remembrance in Mount Pleasant Cemetery in Seattle. Happy Women’s History Month, and International Women’s Day!